THE EXPERIENCE OF SPAIN FROM DICTATORSHIP TO DEMOCRACY

THE CHANCELLERY OF
H.R.H. CROWN PRINCE Alexander II
OF YUGOSLAVIA

THE EXPERIENCE OF SPAIN FROM DICTATORSHIP
TO DEMOCRACY
The democratization after the Franco dictatorship that King Juan Carlos
and his collaborators peacefully and legally brought to Spain over a
three-year period was unprecedented. Never before had a dictatorial regime
been transformed into a pluralistic, parliamentary democracy without civil
war, revolutionary overthrow, or defeat by a foreign power.
When Prince Juan Carlos took the oath as King of Spain on November 22,
1975 the rapid democratization that followed with the appointment of Suarez
as Prime Minister was impressive, the collaboration between the King and his
Prime Minister was crucial in pacifying opposition from both the supporters
of the old regime and those who agitated for a more radical break with the
past. Whereas Prime Minister Suarez’s political expertise and pragmatic
approach enabled him to influence the bureaucratic machinery, King Juan
Carlos’s ability to maintain the allegiance of the armed forces made a
peaceful transition to democracy possible during these precarious months.

In July 1976, the government declared a partial amnesty that freed
approximately 400 political prisoners. On 10 September 1976, Prime Minister
Suarez announced a program of political reform, calling for a legislature
based on universal suffrage. In November 1976 with skillful maneuvering
Prime Minister Suarez with the encouragement of King Juan Carlos was able to
persuade members of the Cortes (parliament) to approve the law, thereby
voting their own institution out of existence. The reforms were then
submitted to a national referendum in December 1976. The Spanish people
voted overwhelmingly in favor of reform: 94 percent of the voters (78
percent of the electorate took part in the referendum) gave their approval.
The results of the referendum strengthened the position of the Suarez
Government and of the King and represented a vindication for those who
favored reform from above rather than revolution.
In the first six months of 1977, significant reforms were enacted in
rapid succession. There were further pardons for political prisoners in
March 1977; independent trade unions replaced vertical and labor syndicates;
and the right to strike was restored. In April 1977 the National Movement
was disbanded.
Prime Minster Suarez and the King began to prepare the Spanish people for
the first free elections – to be held on June 15, 1977 – since the Spanish
Civil War (1936-1939). The legalization of political parties began in
February 1977, and an electoral law outlining the rules for electoral
competition was negotiated with opposition political forces and went into
effect in March 1977. The government adopted the d’Hondt system of
proportional representation, which favored the formation of large parties or
coalitions.
A major situation appeared to be in the offing over the issue of
legalizing the Communist Party of Spain (Partido Comunista de Espana – PCE).
The political parties of the left and the center-left demanded legal
recognition or else refused to participate in the elections. Prime Minster
Suarez feared a strong reaction from military leaders if such a step were
taken. The members of the armed forces had been dedicated to the suppression
of Marxism since the time of the Spanish Civil War.
In a bold but very necessary move, Suarez legalized the Communist Party
of Spain – PCE April 9, 1977. Some military leaders were upset by the
decision and publicly expressed their dissatisfaction with the measure, but
they grudgingly accepted it out of patriotism. King Juan Carlos’s close
relations with senior military officers were a factor in defusing a
potentially explosive state of affairs. The King’s earlier efforts to
replace ultraconservative commanders of the armed forces with more liberal
ones also benefited him when he took this controversial step. The moderation
that the communists exercised in accepting the Monarchy in spite of their
avowed republicanism also helped to normalize the political situation.
As Spain prepared for elections, a large number of diverse political
parties began to form. Only a few of these parties gained parliamentary
representation following the elections of June 15, 1977, but none achieved
an absolute majority. The Union of the Democratic Center (Union de Centro
Democratico – UCD), a centrist coalition of several groups, including
Francoist reformists and moderate opposition democrats, led by Prime
Minister Suarez, emerged from the election as the largest party, winning
34.6 percent of the vote.
The leading opposition party was the Spanish Socialist Workers’ Party
(Partido Socialista Obrero Espanol – PSOE), which received 29.3 percent of
the vote. Having been in existence since 1879, the PSOE was Spain’s oldest
political party. A group of dynamic young activists, led by a Seville
lawyer, Felipe Gonzalez Marquez, had taken control of the party from the
exiles in 1972, and their revolutionary idealism, combined with pragmatic
policies, enabled the PSOE to appeal to a broader spectrum of the
electorate. Both the neo-Francoist right, embodied in the Popular Alliance
(Alianza Popular – AP), and the PCE were disappointed with the election
results, which gave them each less than 10 percent of the popular vote.
Catalan and Basque regional parties accounted for most of the remaining
votes.
The election results were a victory for both moderation and the desire
for change. The domination of Spain’s party system by two relatively
moderate political groups marked an end to the polarization that had plagued
the country since the days of the Second Republic. The political skill of
Prime Minister Suarez, the courage and determination of King Juan Carlos,
and the willingness of opposition leaders to sacrifice their hopes for more
radical social change to the more immediate goal of securing political
democracy helped to end the polarization. The deferral of these hopes led to
eventual disenchantment with the Suarez government, but in 1977 it was a key
factor in the peaceful transition to democracy.
A formidable array of problems, including a growing economic crisis,
Basque terrorism, and the threat of military subversion, confronted the new
Suarez government. Long-range solutions could not be devised until after the
new constitution had been approved, but in the interim, the socioeconomic
difficulties had to be faced. It was apparent that austerity measures would
have to be taken, and Suarez knew he needed to gain support for a national
economic recovery program. This was achieved in October 1977 in the Moncloa
Pacts, named after the Prime Minister’s official residence where leaders of
Spain’s major political parties met and agreed to share the costs of, and
the responsibility for, economic reforms. The parties of the left were
promised an increase in unemployment benefits, the creation of new jobs, and
other reforms; in return they agreed to further tax increases, credit
restrictions, reductions in public expenditures, and a 20 percent ceiling on
wage increases. The new government set forth a provisional solution to
demands for regional autonomy. Pre-autonomy decrees were issued for
Catalonia in September 1977 and for three of the Basque Provinces in
December, 1977. The significance of these decrees was primarily symbolic,
but the decrees helped to avoid potentially disruptive conflict for the time
being by recognizing the distinctive political character of the regions and
by promising autonomy when the constitution was ratified. The regional issue
nevertheless continued to be the government’s most intractable problem, and
it became even more complicated as autonomist demands proliferated
throughout the country. During the early months of the Suarez government,
there were disturbing indications that the army’s toleration of political
pluralism was limited. Military unrest also boded ill for the regime’s
future stability.
The major task facing the government during this transitional period was
the drafting of a New Constitution. Since previous constitutions had failed
in Spain because they had usually been imposed by one particular group and
were not the expression of the popular will, it was imperative that the new
constitution be based on consensus. To this end, the Constitutional
Committee of the Cortes in August 1977 elected a parliamentary commission
representing all the major national parties and the more important regional
ones. This group began its deliberations in an atmosphere of compromise and
cooperation. Although members of the group disagreed over issues of
education, abortion, lock-outs, and regionalism, they made steady progress.
The Cortes passed the document they produced–with amendments–in October
1978.
The new 1978 Constitution is detailed, because of the desire to gain
acceptance for the document by including something for everyone. It
proclaims Spain to be a Constitutional Parliamentary Monarchy and guarantees
its citizens equality before the law and a full range of individual
liberties, including religious freedom. While recognizing the autonomy of
the regions, it stresses the indivisibility of the Spanish state. The
Constitution was submitted to popular referendum on December 6, 1978, and it
was approved by 87.8 of the 67.7 percent of the eligible voters who went to
the polls.
After the King had signed the new Constitution, Prime Minister Suarez
dissolved the Cortes and called another general election for March 1979. It
was widely predicted that the results would show an erosion of support for
Suarez and the UCD (which had begun to show signs of fragmentation) and a
gain for the PSOE. The PSOE was experiencing its own internal crisis,
however. The party’s official definition of itself as Marxist hampered
Gonzalez’s efforts to project an image of moderation and statesmanship. At
the same time, the party’s more radical members were increasingly resentful
of Gonzalez’s ideological moderation. Contrary to expectations, the PSOE did
not improve its position when Spaniards went to the polls on March 1, 1979.
The election results were not significantly different from those of 1977,
and they were seen as a reaffirmation and a consolidation of the basic power
structure.
IMPORTANT DATES
1975: General Franco dies and King Juan Carlos becomes the Head of State
of Spain.
1976: Prime Minister Adolfo Suárez begins the process of serious reform.

1977: The Government repeals the articles of the Law of Associations
which gave it power to refuse the legalization of any political party. Spain
and the Soviet Union announce the establishment of full diplomatic
relations. Ten parties are legally recognized, including the Spanish
Socialist Party (PSOE), the Popular Socialist Party and the Christian
Democrat Party. A Royal Decree practically dissolves the National Movement.
The Government recognizes the Communist Party of Spain (PCE). The Union of
the Democratic Centre (UCD) obtains a majority in the general election
(June). Three decrees which restore to a limited extent the self-government
of Catalonia are signed by the King. The Government approves the provisional
pre-autonomy of the Basque Country.
1978: The Spanish people approve by an 88% majority the new Constitution,
which defines Spain as a Constitutional Parliamentary Monarchy.
1980: The Basque Country and Catalonia legally become autonomous regions.

1981: Suarez resigns as Prime Minister and is replaced by Leopoldo Calvo
Sotelo. The decline of the UCD and the change of the Prime Ministers
coincided with the death throes of the authoritarian regime to defend itself
against democracy. A group of Civil Guards burst into the parliament and
held the deputies as hostages while the General-in-Chief of one of the
country’s military regions supported the coup by ordering his troops to
occupy Valencia. The decisive intervention of the King aborted the attempted
coup, and democracy saved.
1982: On October 28, new general elections were held. The PSOE obtained
an absolute majority. Felipe Gonzalez is invested as Prime Minister. This
event can be considered as the culmination of the transition period and it
represented the definite consolidation.
1986: Spain joined the European Community, making it the Community of
Twelve.
1989: Spain joins the Exchange Rate Mechanism.
1992: World Expo in Sevilla and Olympics in Barcelona. Madrid is the
European Capital of Culture.
2002: Spain joins the Euro along with Belgium, Germany, Greece, France,
Ireland, Italy, Luxembourg, The Netherlands, Austria, Portugal and Finland.

 

 
 
 
 

 

1997 HRHCP Alexander II All Rights Reserved